Twice in the last 18 years, violent conflict has broken out between Israel and the Palestinians: in December 1987 and September 2000. In both cases, the violence was the result of stagnation in the peace process. Both incidents were preceded by an unprecedented Israeli effort to change the situation, in which Israel made significant steps toward the Palestinians.

 

In 1987, Israel was determined to 'improve living conditions' in the territories. We built health clinics and schools in the West Bank, we installed the most up-to-date equipment and computers, and for the first time, we allowed the opening of a Palestinian bank and several new industrial ventures. There was just one thing missing: there was no progress toward solving the dispute. We tried to create an enlightened occupation, but we gave no hope that it could come to an end. We were given full American backing, and Secretary of State George Schultz was fully informed of all the details of Israeli activity.

 

 In 2000, the Camp David summit was held. That is where Israeli leaders met their Palestinian counterparts and for the first time the most sensitive issues were discussed. Here, too, the U.S. president was involved, unlike in any other international dispute at the time. After the summit failed, however, no effort was made on our part to revive the negotiations. Instead, we started to plan a unilateral move in the West Bank, a plan that was never going to garner international support, and certainly not the support of the Palestinians.

Now, too, in August 2005, we find ourselves at the height of another unprecedented situation. For the first time, Israel is withdrawing from land, and the settlements on that land are being evacuated. The United States and the international community, too, support this, and now, too, violence could break out at any time. If the disengagement does not have a sequel, if it turns out to be a move that was designed to tighten Israel's grip on the West Bank and to offer the Palestinians seven enclaves in the guise of 'a state with provisional borders,' a third intifada seems inevitable. If the Palestinians are not offered the hope of the end of the occupation, and Israelis are not offered the hope of the end of bloodshed, desperation will lead to another outbreak of violence.

 

In order to prevent war breaking out again, three simultaneous efforts should be made. Firstly, we should as soon as possible renew talks aimed as reaching an agreement, with the aim of realizing the vision of two states solution within a reasonable period of time. Secondly, the Palestinian security forces should be bolstered so that they can impose order on the streets and effectively prevent terrorism. Thirdly, development of the Palestinian economy according to Wolfensohn's plan.

 

The road map, which is supposed to lay down the guidelines to achieving peace between Israel and the Palestinians, must be updated and adapted to suit the changing reality.
The democratic election of a new Palestinian president, the reform of the Palestinian security forces, the decrease in terror activity by Palestinian terror organizations and the completion of disengagement should be seen as implementation of the first phase of the road map.
 

The second phase must be shortened, but must still include anything that was not implemented during the first phase: primarily the destruction of terrorist capabilities and the removal of illegal outposts. The concept of 'a Palestinian state with provisional borders' should be skipped entirely. The concept may have been needed in the days of Yasser Arafat, but now it could be used as a subterfuge for foot-dragging and delays, a sort of "long-term parking" that could delay the peace process for years. There is nothing as permanent in our region as something temporary. A state with provisional borders is mentioned in the text of the road map as an option - and it is time to abandon that option.

 

The third phase of the road map is negotiations toward a final status agreement. This should start immediately after the elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council and the 17th Knesset. The original wording of the road map states that this phase should end sometime in 2005. That will not happen. A reasonable period of time should be allocated to this end - at least three years are needed - given the complicated problems that are on the agenda. Ending the conflict by the end of this decade and creating an economic prosperity, is a vision that can be realized. By setting it as a goal, we would stave off the perils of a new war.